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Economy

Climate protectionism

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From the WSJ (World’s First Carbon Import Tax Approved by EU Lawmakers): 

The European Union’s parliament approved legislation to tax imports based on the greenhouse gases emitted to make them, clearing the final hurdle before the plan becomes law and enshrines climate regulation in the rules of global trade for the first time.

Tuesday’s vote caps nearly two years of negotiations on the import tax, which aims to push economies around the world to put a price on carbon-dioxide emissions while shielding the EU’s manufacturers from countries that aren’t regulating emissions as strictly, or at all. The tax gives credit to countries that put a price on carbon, allowing importers of goods from those countries to deduct payments made for overseas emissions from the amount owed at the EU’s borders. …

Governments and lawmakers in other countries are already under pressure to follow suit. The U.K. is debating whether to introduce a carbon border tax, while Democrats in Congress proposed legislation to create one. Bipartisan support for the idea is growing in the U.S., said Kevin Dempsey, president of the American Iron and Steel Institute, which represents companies such as Nucor Corp. and ArcelorMittal SA.

Of all the types of protectionism that are trending (e.g., here, here), this one might not be so bad.

 

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Gallup reports: “Concern About Several Environmental Problems Dips in U.S.”

Here’s the evidence.

So, I downloaded the data, redrew the graphs, added trendlines, then deleted the original data to better suss out the underlying trends without all the confusing squiggly lines. Here you go.

Oh, and I gave it a new title: No Obvious Conclusion Can be Drawn about Trends in Attitudes Toward Environmental Problems in the U.S.

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via the SBCA email list:

The Society for Benefit-Cost Analysis is offering six professional development workshops this year, organized by leading experts. They include the following; more information is available here: https://www.benefitcostanalysis.org/workshops.

Benefit-Cost Analysis for Beginners (Glenn Blomquist and David Weimer)
Economics of Addiction (Elizabeth Botkins, Aaron Kearsley, Don Kenkel, David Watkins)
Estimating Program Effects (Craig Thornton, Anu Rangarajan, Randall Brown)
Valuing Nonmarket Benefits (Vic Adamowicz, Cathy Kling, Nic Kuminoff, Dan Phaneuf, Christian Vossler, John Whitehead)
Estimating Costs (Jason Price, Doug Meade, Brad Wong)
Benefit-Cost Analysis for U.S. Regulations (Aliya Sassi, Elizabeth Quin, Chris Dockins, Charles Griffiths, Aaron Kearsley)

We hope you will join us for what promises to be a terrific set of workshops, and will forward this email to anyone else who might be interested.

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From the WSJ (EPA Seeks to Boost EVs With Toughest-Ever Rules on Tailpipe Emissions):

The Biden administration is proposing new limits on vehicle tailpipe emissions, seeking to spur U.S. auto makers to generate two-thirds of their sales through electric vehicles in a decade.

The new standards for light-duty vehicles, announced Wednesday by the Environmental Protection Agency, will apply to the 2027 to 2032 model years. They would be the nation’s toughest-ever restrictions on car pollution and one of President Biden’s most aggressive moves yet to combat climate change.

The proposal moves beyond Mr. Biden’s ambitious target for half of all new-vehicle sales to be electric-powered by 2030. The EPA projects that the EVs could account for 67% of new- vehicle sales by the 2032 model year. …

The EPA estimated that the benefits of the proposal would exceed costs by at least $1 trillion. The proposal is expected to avoid 7.3 billion tons of carbon-dioxide emissions through 2055, EPA Administrator Michael Regan said.

Does anyone know where I can find that benefit-cost analysis? I’m wondering what social cost of carbon estimate they are using, among other things. The Google didn’t help. 

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From Richard L. Revesz, Administrator, Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs via a Society for Benefit-Cost Analysis email blast:

I am excited to share with you that the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA) has released its proposed revisions to OMB Circular No. A-4: Regulatory Analysis. The preamble to the proposed revisions provides further information as to the nature of the proposed changes and identifies issues for which public comment may be particularly useful. The proposed Circular is available at https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/DraftCircularA-4.pdf, and the preamble to the proposed Circular is available at https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/DraftCircularA-4Preamble.pdf.

Circular A-4, which provides guidance to agencies on how to conduct regulatory analysis, has not been revised since it was first issued in 2003. The proposed revisions to the Circular reflect new developments in economic and other scientific understanding. Our goal in these proposed revisions is to help agencies produce analyses that facilitate better policymaking. To that end, the proposed revisions address a range of issues, including discount rates, distributional analysis, and accounting for uncertainty. Proposed revisions to material on discounting help ensure that the present value of future effects, and the relationship of capital and risk to discounting, are more accurately accounted for. Proposed revisions to the material on distributional analysis will help facilitate efforts by agencies that are seeking to account for the distributional effects of regulations. And proposed revisions to the section on uncertainty, such as moving away from a default assumption of risk neutrality, will help agencies to more accurately capture the value of regulations that reduce risk.

We invite public comment from April 7, 2023, to June 6, 2023, via http://www.regulations.gov. To submit a comment during that period of time, simply type “OMB-2022-0014” in the search box, click “Search,” click “Comment,” and follow the instructions for submitting comments. All comments received will be posted to http://www.regulations.gov, so commenters should not include information they do not wish to be posted (e.g., personal or confidential business information). Receiving input from a wide range of commenters, including experts reflecting an appropriate breadth of economic and scientific perspectives, will aid in this revision process, so OIRA welcomes your help in spreading awareness of this public comment period. OIRA is also requesting nomination of experts to serve as peer reviewers of the proposed Circular, sent to MBX.OMB.OIRA.A4PeerReview@omb.eop.gov, from April 7, 2023, to April 28, 2023.

As the preamble notes, public comments are helpful both when they note proposed revisions to the Circular that appropriately reflect the best available economics and science, and when they address places where further revisions to the Circular would be appropriate. I look forward to the opportunity to modernize the regulatory review process through the implementation of a revised Circular A-4, following public comment and peer review.

Finally, I wanted to note that our colleagues at OMB also released today proposed revisions to Circular A-94, which addresses the use of benefit-cost analysis in the context of federal grant funding. Those interested in providing public comment on Circular A-94 can do so at the docket OMB-2023-0011.

There are alot of potential changes including recommendations on distributional effects: 

Uncertainty:

And discount rates:

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Nope (As National Parks Visits Surge, Booz Allen Benefits): 

Visitors driving into Montana’s Glacier National Park this summer must buy a vehicle pass on Recreation.gov. The pass is free, but visitors pay a $2 fee to book the reservation.

Visitors might assume that, like entrance fees, the reservation charges help pay for improving trails around the park’s Running Eagle Falls or expanding the park’s volunteer program. But a chunk of the money ends up with consulting firm Booz Allen Hamilton Inc.

Booz Allen runs Recreation.gov, the website and app where people book campsites, hikes and permits on U.S. public land. The company has a five-year contract that is up for renewal this year. In its bid for the work, Booz Allen used data provided by the government to estimate that over the first five years of the contract, it would receive $87 million, and a total of about $182 million over 10 years.

Booz Allen gets paid every time a user makes a reservation on Recreation.gov, per its government contract. That has earned the company money far beyond the projections in its bid.

Booz Allen invoiced the government for more than $140 million from October 2018 to November 2022, the most recent date available, according to documents obtained by The Wall Street Journal in a public-records request. Ten months remain to be counted for that initial five-year period.

You all are a bunch of suckers:

Booz Allen leadership has described the benefits of per-transaction fee structures like the one Recreation.gov uses. “One thing I learned in B-school, for all that money, it’s a small number times a big number is a big number,” Booz Allen president and chief executive Horacio Rozanski said at the 2019 Citi Global Technology Conference. …

The arrangement has its critics, including members of a lawsuit against Booz Allen seeking class-action status, and other die-hard national park visitors. They say the government has let a multibillion-dollar company profit by charging for access to public lands—access that used to cost less, or nothing. The lawyers said in the suit that the company is “forcing American consumers to pay Ticketmaster-style junk fees to access national parks and other federal recreational lands.”

Booz Allen says such claims mischaracterize its work and its compensation structure. Recreation.gov officials say the arrangement is an example of efficiency in government: Users get a technologically sound website at no cost to taxpayers. …

At that point I tuned out Booz Allen while reading the rest of the article, wondering why infrastructure at the Blue Ridge Parkway is underfunded when Booz Allen is getting rich but you should read it and decide for yourself. 

Here are a couple of links: 

National Parks Continue to Set Visitation Records but Remain Underfunded and Understaffed
Recreation.gov Use & Share Our Data

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Here is the abstract from the paper which is forthcoming in the Journal of Economic Education:

Economic theories of the exploitation of depletable natural resources are built around a core model of intertemporal profit maximization that predicts that (barring unforeseen shocks) scarcity crises will not arise because forward looking resource owners will smooth extraction over time. The model that provides this result can seem opaque to students, but its intuition can be more easily grasped from experience. This paper shares a game that provides that experience. Participants play the role of mine owners who must decide how much to extract in each of two periods. In addition to showing how market pressures moderate intertemporal scarcity, the game also provides lessons about discounting, market power, information, and property rights. I provide all materials needed to play the game immediately or customize it.

I customized the game for my class and focused on three scenarios: 

Monopoly with no discounting
Monopoly with a 25% discount rate in the second time period
Competition with a 25% discount rate in the second time period

Here are the instructions I used: Ore money ore problems slides.

I had 12 out of 17 students in class (not bad for the class day after exam #2 on a beautiful afternoon) and we formed 6 miner teams of 2 students each. I passed out the record sheet, read the instructions and used Poll Everywhere to receive the period 1 extractions for each of the 6 mines (I displayed the decisions on the screen but next time I’ll use my phone so decisions will be secret while students are still mining).

Here are the results (the dots are the average resource extractions over 6 rounds of the game):

The first two rounds (horizontal axis) were the no discounting rounds and the theoretical prediction is extraction in time period 1 is 50 units (vertical axis) as this equates prices across the 2 time periods. Five mines produced 100 units depleting the resource for t=2 and 1 mine extracted 50 units. These numbers were entered into the spreadsheet for all to see and everyone realized 100 is too high. We discussed this result and ran the scenario again with students overshooting with extraction rates of 0, 25, 30, 35, 50 and 50. Instead of averages, you can look at the answers and say that the number of mines producing the profit maximizing amount doubled from 1 to 2. I’m sure if we ran scenario 1 one more time we would have been close to the theoretical prediction. 

In scenarios 2 and 3 I introduced a discount rate of 25% so that future profits are 80% of current profits. Students again went in the right direction with their extraction decisions but overshot the target of 53 with 75, 75, 75, 75, 75 and 90 units extracted in the first round. The spreadsheet showed that profits with 75 units are higher than with 90 units and in the fourth scenario the extraction decisions were 50, 55, 60, 63, 65 and 69 units. I’m sure that another round of scenario 2 would have produced an average close to 53. 

In the fifth round (scenario 3) the units extracted were 48, 51, 53, 53, 60, and 100. Two of the mines produced the cooperative outcome of 53. We discussed the OPEC cartel problem and in the next round production went up slightly. I’m sure that more rounds with this scenario would lead to increased extraction in t=1 as predicted by theory. 

The game took 45 minutes after about 30 minutes of debriefing exam #2. We’ll debrief the game more tomorrow and work our way through the two-period model and Hotelling’s Rule. Participation in this game is going to help. 

Bottom line: The game worked great in terms of getting the point across, not so great in terms of generating theoretically predicted results but more rounds with each scenario would get us there. Next time I’ll probably drop the competition scenarios and spend more time on using the equimarginal principle to maximize profits over time. 

Comments welcome!

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For years I have railed about the need to get the price of driving right (too many posts to find and link, but here’s a good one). Why, oh, why I cry, do we still keep finding needlessly complicated ways to confuse the f*** out of drivers who just want to do the right thing, but can’t figure out the real cost of driving gas versus electric?

Ohio makes it especially taxing (see what I did there?):

Why it matters: Our gas tax rate is among the highest in the U.S., with the proceeds funding infrastructure needs like road and bridge maintenance.

Yes, butAn increasing number of EV drivers avoid paying this tax by not paying for gas, an issue for Uncle Sam since the cars wear down public roads like everything else.

Ohio’s solution: Annual registration fees of $100 for hybrids and $200 for any plug-in EV.

I’m not opposed to a tax on EVs. They do create some externalities (congestion, electricity generation, infrastructure wear-and-tear), but I am opposed to arbitrary fees that distort the relative costs of gas vs EV. 

Let’s talk to some economists and get the prices right, then let consumers make there decisions.

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We’re doomed: part 189

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Or, at least salmon are doomed. From the NY Times (California Salmon Stocks Are Crashing. A Fishing Ban Looks Certain):

This week, officials are expected to shut down all commercial and recreational salmon fishing off California for 2023. Much will be canceled off neighboring Oregon, too.

The reason: An alarming decline of fish stocks linked to the one-two punch of heavily engineered waterways and the supercharged heat and drought that come with climate change. There are new threats in the ocean, too, that are less understood but may be tied to global warming, according to researchers.

The solution to the problem seems simple enough:

Fossil fuel emissions must be addressed, scientists say. …

In a country where an increase in gas prices causes a national apoplexy, sure. 

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[This article is part of the Understanding Money Mechanics series, by Robert P. Murphy. The series will be published as a book in 2021.]

In chapter 7 we summarized some of the major changes in how central banks have operated since the 2008 financial crisis. In the present chapter, we detail some of the even more recent changes in Federal Reserve operations since the onset of the coronavirus panic in March 2020.

Size of the Fed’s Balance Sheet

The most obvious change in Fed policy has been the dramatic expansion of its balance sheet since March 2020.

Figure 1: Total Assets Held by the Federal Reserve

As figure 1 indicates, the explosion in Fed asset purchases since March 2020 dwarfs even the three rounds of QE (quantitative easing) following the 2008 financial crisis. Indeed, from March 4, 2020, through March 3, 2021, the Fed increased its assets from $4.2 trillion to $7.6 trillion, an incredible one-year jump of $3.3 trillion (or 78 percent). Furthermore, as the graph reveals, the upward trajectory continues as of this writing.

Composition of the Fed’s Balance Sheet

Besides the quantitative change in the Fed’s asset purchases, there has been a qualitative change in the type of asset. In particular, the Fed is now buying large amounts of private sector corporate bonds (both individually and exchange-traded funds); as of the mid-May 2021 balance sheet report, the Fed’s “Corporate Credit Facilities LLC” held almost $26 billion in assets.1 This change in policy would have been extremely controversial (if only for the potential corruption) prior to the financial crisis, but it is now a seemingly natural outgrowth of the expansion of Fed discretionary power that began in the fall of 2008.

The Fed announced the creation of the Primary and Secondary Corporate Credit Facilities LLC in March 2020 (though it did not begin aggressively buying corporate debt—which had to have been rated “investment grade” before the pandemic hit—until June 20202). At the same time, the Fed announced expansions of preexisting asset purchase programs, as well as the creation of a “Term Asset-Backed Securities Loan Facility (TALF), to support the flow of credit to consumers and businesses,” which would “enable the issuance of asset-backed securities (ABS) backed by student loans, auto loans, credit card loans, loans guaranteed by the Small Business Administration (SBA), and certain other assets.”3

At this point, the Federal Reserve now has the capability of influencing the credit markets not just for commercial banks, but for commercial and residential real estate, corporate bonds, commercial paper, cars, student loans, and even personal credit cards.

Abolition of Reserve Requirements for US Banks

In an emergency statement issued in the evening on Sunday, March 15, 2020, the Fed announced a host of new policies in light of the then emerging alarm over the coronavirus.4 In addition to cutting the target for the federal funds rate back down to 0 percent (with a range of up to 0.25 percent) and pledging to increase the scale of its asset purchases, the Federal Open Market Committee (FOMC) statement concluded with this tantalizing paragraph:

In a related set of actions to support the credit needs of households and businesses, the Federal Reserve announced measures related to the discount window, intraday credit, bank capital and liquidity buffers, reserve requirements, and—in coordination with other central banks—the U.S. dollar liquidity swap line arrangements. More information can be found on the Federal Reserve Board’s website. (bold added)

The final word, “website,” contained a hyperlink to the Fed’s main website. Yet if one looked at the compilation of press releases, there was an additional item posted on March 15, 2020, titled “Federal Reserve Actions to Support the Flow of Credit to Households and Businesses,” which was alluded to in the official FOMC statement.5 For our purposes, we will highlight the last measure listed in this supplemental statement:

Reserve Requirements

For many years, reserve requirements played a central role in the implementation of monetary policy by creating a stable demand for reserves. In January 2019, the FOMC announced its intention to implement monetary policy in an ample reserves regime. Reserve requirements do not play a significant role in this operating framework.

In light of the shift to an ample reserves regime, the Board has reduced reserve requirement ratios to zero percent effective on March 26, [2020,] the beginning of the next reserve maintenance period. This action eliminates reserve requirements for thousands of depository institutions and will help to support lending to households and businesses. (bold added)

Since the Fed’s actions following the financial crisis of 2008, the US banking system as a whole has been awash with excess reserves (see the second chart in chapter 14). This is because following the Fed’s injections of new reserves under the various rounds of quantitative easing, the commercial banks did not create new loans for their own customers to the maximum amount legally allowed. Therefore, the immediate impact of the Fed’s 2020 decision to abolish reserve requirements should be minimal, since the original reserve requirements were not binding at the time of the change.

However, even though the US banking system had more than enough reserves to cover its requirements, it is still the case that the level of required reserves rose dramatically—quintupling from about $40 billion to more than $200 billion—since the financial crisis, as the following chart reveals:

Figure 2: Required Reserves of US Depository Institutions

(In the chart, the Required Reserves line falls vertically to zero at the end, because the Fed’s policy change abolished reserve requirements.)

To avoid confusion, the reader should remember that in addition to the Fed’s direct actions that caused the monetary base to soar, money “held by the public” (which we can summarize by the monetary aggregate M1) also dramatically increased following the 2008 crisis. Later in this chapter we will explain the redefinition of M1 in 2020, but the graph of M1 we present in chapter 14 shows the measure in its old definition; the reader can see that it rose steadily after 2008, and jumped sharply in 2020. To the extent that much of this increase in money held by the public took the form not of actual physical currency, but of checking account balances at commercial banks, the statutorily required reserves rose correspondingly—as reflected in the chart above.

Some analysts argue that the Fed’s abolition of reserve requirements merely reflects the new realities of modern banking. With the 1994 introduction of retail “sweep accounts”6 and especially in the post-2008 era of large central bank balance sheets, some have argued that reserve requirements are anachronistic and no longer influence commercial bank lending decisions, except to necessitate cumbersome maneuvers.7

Although the situation is no doubt nuanced, some of the more glib defenses of the new Fed policy prove too much. For example, the Fed’s own explanation (quoted above) says, “This action eliminates reserve requirements for thousands of depository institutions and will help to support lending to households and businesses.” If it were indeed the case that the reserve requirements did not constrain bank lending—as claimed by some of those dismissing the announcement as a bit of trivia—then abolishing the requirements wouldn’t support lending to households and businesses.

To put it simply, if the abolition of reserve requirements really have no effect, then one wonders why the Fed decided to implement the move along with the other emergency measures activated at the onset of the coronavirus crisis. At the very least, abolishing the requirements will give the commercial banks freer rein to make loans down the road, if conditions return to a scenario where the original rules would have provided a check on additional bank credit inflation.

Redefinition of M1

On February 23, 2021, the Fed announced:

As announced on December 17, 2020, the Board’s Statistical Release H.6, “Money Stock Measures,” will recognize savings deposits as a type of transaction account, starting with the publication today. This recognition reflects the Board’s action on April 24, 2020, to remove the regulatory distinction between transaction accounts and savings deposits by deleting the six-per-month transfer limit on savings deposits in Regulation D. This change means that savings deposits have had a similar regulatory definition and the same liquidity characteristics as the transaction accounts reported as “Other checkable deposits” on the H.6 statistical release since the change to Regulation D. Consequently, today’s H.6 statistical release combines release items “Savings deposits” and “Other checkable deposits” retroactively back to May 2020 and includes the resulting sum, reported as “Other liquid deposits,” in the M1 monetary aggregate. This action increases the M1 monetary aggregate significantly while leaving the M2 monetary aggregate unchanged.8

In other words, in late April of 2020, the Fed removed some of the limits on savings deposits in a way that made them equivalent to checking account deposits. As such, savings deposits from May 2020 forward are now included in M1, whereas before they had been excluded from it. Yet either way, savings deposits were always included in M2. Consequently, we can look at the Fed’s graphs of both M1 and M2 to isolate the impact of the reclassification:

Figure 3: M1 and M2 Money Stock, Showing Effect of May 2020 Redefinition

As the figure indicates, there was a massive spike in the official M1 measure in May 2020, largely (though not entirely) reflecting the reclassification of savings deposits as part of M1. However, note that M2 also rose sharply at exactly this time, reflecting a genuine increase in money held by the public because of the coronavirus panic and Fed policy. (Also remember that the M1 chart shown in chapter 14 was made based on the original M1 numbers, before the retroactive reclassification occurred. The chart in chapter 14 shows that M1, even according to the old definition, truly did spike in the spring of 2020.)

Given the change in Regulation D, the reclassification of M1 made perfect sense. Some economists have speculated that the motivation for the Fed’s decision to discontinue publication of certain monetary measures—which occurred at the same time as the retroactive M1 reclassification—may have been to obscure the large increase in US Treasury and foreign bank deposits with the Fed, as such data might fuel concerns that the Fed is acting to monetize US government spending.9

Switch to Average Inflation Targeting

On August 27, 2020, the Fed posted its “2020 Statement on Longer-Run Goals and Monetary Policy Strategy,” which amended the original statement adopted back in 2012. The following excerpt highlights the major change in the 2020 amendment:

The inflation rate over the longer run is primarily determined by monetary policy, and hence the Committee has the ability to specify a longer-run goal for inflation. The Committee reaffirms its judgment that inflation at the rate of 2 percent, as measured by the annual change in the price index for personal consumption expenditures, is most consistent over the longer run with the Federal Reserve’s statutory mandate. The Committee judges that longer-term inflation expectations that are well anchored at 2 percent foster price stability and moderate long-term interest rates and enhance the Committee’s ability to promote maximum employment in the face of significant economic disturbances. In order to anchor longer-term inflation expectations at this level, the Committee seeks to achieve inflation that averages 2 percent over time, and therefore judges that, following periods when inflation has been running persistently below 2 percent, appropriate monetary policy will likely aim to achieve inflation moderately above 2 percent for some time. (bold added)10

Before the August 2020 change, the Fed had adopted a constant (price) inflation target, which reset anew each period. For example, if the Fed wanted inflation (in the Personal Consumption Expenditure index) to average 2 percent in 2020, but in actuality the desired inflation measure came in at only 1 percent, then under the old system, the Fed in 2021 would try again to hit 2 percent. But under the new system, the Fed might shoot for inflation of 2.5 percent for both 2021 and 2022 to make up for the initial undershooting of the target back in 2020. (We are ignoring the complications of exponential growth to keep the arithmetic simple.) This is what the Fed authors mean by saying they are switching to an average inflation target: in our example, if the Fed undershoots the target in 2020, the average over the three-year period can only hit the target if the Fed overshoots in 2021 and 2022.

At the Jackson Hole monetary conference held in late August 2020, Fed chair Jay Powell gave the opening remarks. He first summarized some of the major changes in the global economy and central bank practice since 2012, and then explained the new Fed policy by saying:

The key innovations in our new consensus statement reflect the changes in the economy I described. Our new statement explicitly acknowledges the challenges posed by the proximity of interest rates to the effective lower bound. By reducing our scope to support the economy by cutting interest rates, the lower bound increases downward risks to employment and inflation. To counter these risks, we are prepared to use our full range of tools to support the economy.11

Specifically, Powell argued that the fall in real interest rates, as well as muted (price) inflationary expectations, made the “zero lower bound” a much more potent threat in 2020 than it had been a decade earlier. When short-term nominal interest rates hit 0 percent, it is difficult for the central bank to cut further; why would people lend out their money at a negative interest rate when they could just hold cash and earn 0 percent? According to some economists, at the zero lower bound conventional monetary policy loses traction and other measures are needed.

In theory, the switch to average inflation targeting can help alleviate the problem posed by the zero lower bound. Investors know that if the Fed runs into trouble during a sluggish year and inflation falls short of the target, then the Fed is required to let the economy “run hot” for a while in order to make up for the lost ground. Even if nominal interest rates stay at 0 percent, the increase in expectations of future inflation lower real interest rates and have the same impact as if the Fed had more room to cut nominal interest rates in the present.

In contrast to this optimistic interpretation of the Fed’s new regime, a more cynical take is that Federal Reserve officials knew that their massive monetary expansion in 2020 would lead to higher price inflation, and they wanted to provide themselves with a framework to justify their failure to stay within their own guidelines.

1. See the discussion and citation in Joseph T. Salerno, “The Fed’s Money Supply Measures: The Good News—and the Really, Really Bad News,” Mises Wire, Mar. 6, 2021, https://mises.org/wire/feds-money-supply-measures-good-news-and-really-really-bad-news.
2. See Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, “2020 Statement on Longer-Run Goals and Monetary Policy Strategy,” Aug. 27, 2020, last modified Jan. 14, 2021, https://www.federalreserve.gov/monetarypolicy/review-of-monetary-policy-strategy-tools-and-communications-statement-on-longer-run-goals-monetary-policy-strategy.htm.
3. Jerome H. Powell, “Opening Remarks: New Economic Challenges and the Fed’s Monetary Policy Review” (speech given at the Navigating the Decade Ahead: Implications for Monetary Policy economic policy symposium, Jackson Hole, WY, August 2020), https://www.kansascityfed.org/documents/7832/JH2020-Powell.pdf.
4. For the connection between sweep accounts and reserve requirements, see Richard G. Anderson and Robert H. Rasche, “Retail Sweep Programs and Bank Reserves, 1994–1999,” Review 83, no. 1 (January/February 2001): 51–72, https://files.stlouisfed.org/files/htdocs/publications/review/01/0101ra.pdf.
5. For example, in his February 10, 2010, testimony before the House Committee on Financial Services, then Fed chair Ben Bernanke said that the “Federal Reserve believes it is possible that, ultimately, its operating framework will allow the elimination of minimum reserve requirements, which impose costs and distortions on the banking system.” Benjamin Bernanke, “Federal Reserve’s Exit Strategy” (statement before the Committee on Financial Services, US House of Representatives, Washington, DC, Feb. 10, 2010), quoted in Vijay Boyapati, “Why Credit Deflation Is More Likely Than Mass Inflation,” Libertarian Papers 2, art. no. 43, (2010): 1–28, https://cdn.mises.org/-2-43_2.pdf.
6. The block quotation is taken from the February 23, 2021, announcement available at this feed: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, “Money Stock Revisions,” H.6 (Money Stock Measures) statistical release, Mar. 23, 2021, https://www.federalreserve.gov/feeds/h6.html.
7. For the current summary of the Fed’s balance sheet, see Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, “Factors Affecting Reserve Balances of Depository Institutions and Condition Statement of Federal Reserve Banks,” H.4.1 (Factors Affecting Reserve Balances) statistical release, May 27, 2021, https://www.federalreserve.gov/releases/h41/current/h41.pdf.
8. See Nancy Marshall-Genzer, “The Fed Starts Buying Corporate Bonds,” Marketplace, June 16, 2020, https://www.marketplace.org/2020/06/16/the-fed-starts-buying-corporate-bonds/.
9. See the Fed’s announcement of its new facilities in its March 23, 2020, press release: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, “Federal Reserve Announces Extensive New Measures to Support the Economy,” press release, Mar. 23, 2020, last modified July 28, 2020, https://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/pressreleases/monetary20200323b.htm.
10. See the FOMC statement of March 15, 2020: Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, “Federal Reserve Issues FOMC Statement,” press release, Mar. 15, 2020, https://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/pressreleases/monetary20200315a.htm.
11. The supplemental Fed posting from March 15, 2020, is Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, “Federal Reserve Actions to Support the Flow of Credit to Households and Businesses,” press release, Mar. 15, 2020, https://www.federalreserve.gov/newsevents/pressreleases/monetary20200315b.htm.

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